The China-Laos Joint Support and Training Center at Ban Keun Airport some 50 kilometers (31 miles) from the Lao capital Vientiane and the China-Laos Friendship Aviation Academy kicked off in September, the Chinese Ministry of Defense said on its website.

China’s role at the military airport, which had just finished major upgrades and features a 2,000-meter runway, suggests that the People’s Liberation Army intends to springboard into other parts of Southeast Asia – a land-border neighbor where several countries have territorial differences with China – experts say.

“As China in reality aspires to be a major power, it has to gradually and in a low-key manner build up military bases, albeit for training or other seemingly innocuous purposes,” said Oh Ei Sun, principal adviser at the Pacific Research Center think tank in Kuala Lumpur.

“Laos has long been considered to be a close ally for (China) in Southeast Asia and it is of course no surprise that China’s first base in Southeast Asia is located there,” he added.

The two countries share a border, a Communist Party leadership and a recent history of economic cooperation led by large Chinese infrastructure projects such as a railway line.

The defense ministry in Beijing said the training center, to be jointly maintained and operated, is aimed at helping Laos strengthen the training of its air force pilots.

Ban Keun will allow a “continuous” Chinese presence and primarily be used to “steer procurement to Chinese equipment” and support PLA air operations, the China Global South Project media platform says in a study.

The ministry website says China’s role at the airport is “not directed against any third party”, contributing instead to improving “practical military cooperation.”

But instead, China may be increasing its military foothold “deep inside mainland Southeast Asia” after earlier establishing a naval presence at Cambodia’s Ream Naval Base, said Nguyen Thanh Trung, a political scientist at Fulbright University in Vietnam. Mainland Southeast Asia includes Vietnam, Malaysia, Myanmar and Thailand as well as Laos and Cambodia.

Chinese operational military presence and privileged access at the Cambodian base grew from 2019 through 2025, Asian mainstream media reports have said.

China is keen on Laos now “because the Chinese feel it’s time to complement the naval facility in Cambodia with nearby air power capability,” said Denny Roy, a ­senior fellow at the East-West Centre think tank in Hawaii.

Using both its navy and air force, Beijing has shored up its South China Sea claims over the past two decades by building artificial islands, often for military use. Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam dispute parts of the sea with China.

Sporadic China-Vietnam incidents have occurred in the waters since the 1970s. China and the Philippines are jousting for control over tiny islets west of Luzon and Palawan islands.

“Vietnam is probably the most sensitive, as Laos has long been its strategic buffer, and for now the foothold looks more like China asserting leverage over Hanoi and Phnom Penh,” said Hangyu Lee, East Asia Pacific analyst at the nonprofit organization Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project. He said Ban Keun and Ream “together could look like a wider Chinese security network.”

Myanmar, Lee added, could be “indirectly affected” if the airport improves China’s ability to monitor activity across continental Southeast Asia. Myanmar, with its own Chinese border, has been in civil war since 2021.

China’s presence at the Laotian airport has been linked to its first confirmed overseas base, in the East African country Djibouti. The People’s Liberation Army uses it as a support base. The African base and now Ban Keun mark China’s gradual, low-key buildup of bases, Oh said.

But the Laotian site “represents a new air-centered model” distinct from Djibouti and Ream in Cambodia, the China Global South Project study says.

“Eventually it can be a pre-positioned base for PRC aircraft as needed,” Roy said. “It could also be expanded to accommodate more and larger aircraft.”

Keen Sword, the largest U.S.-Japan biennial joint drill, will feature two key systems of the Marine Corps’ littoral force: the anti-ship NMESIS (Navy-Marine Expeditionary Ship Interdiction System) and air-defense MADIS (Marine Air Defense Integrated System).

Yonaguni’s local government disclosed the deployment on Friday, a day after the Okinawa Defense Bureau relayed deployment plans on Oct. 1.

The systems will be deployed to Yonaguni for the first time, as this year’s iteration shifts to ground-based, multi-island, sea-denial operations aimed at distributing American and Japanese forces across the southwestern islands.

The deployment also reflects a broader shift by the United States and Japan toward mobile missile and air-defense systems that can operate from scattered islands.

NMESIS and MADIS form the cornerstone of the U.S. Marine Corps’ force design modernization and restructuring plan, which moves away from heavy armored platforms to focus on small-unit, expeditionary forces that can capture and defend islands.

NMESIS can strike targets at around 115 miles and could threaten ships operating in waters around Taiwan. The reported deployment, in turn, has drawn criticism from Chinese military experts even while China’s PLA Navy and coast guard vessels have increased activities around Taiwan.

The NMESIS and MADIS systems first arrived with the Okinawa-based 12th Marine Littoral Regiment 3rd Marine Division in June. The units were earlier deployed to the Philippines’ northern Batanes Islands and western Laoag province during the Balikatan drills.

The deployment comes as Japan tests what defense officials describe as standoff-strike capabilities, missile systems that can strike targets far from enemy weapons, while strengthening its southwestern islands for distributed military operations.

According to the Ministry of Defense, troops from nine countries, including the Australian and French armies, will join 45,000 Japanese Self-Defense Forces personnel for this year’s exercise, which will run from Oct. 19 to 29.

The exercise will also bring together a number of U.S. and Japanese ground-based missile systems.

The U.S. Army will deploy HIMARS (High Mobility Artillery Rocket Systems) weapons to Camp Ishigaki, some 80 miles from Yonaguni.

The Army’s Typhon missile launcher will also be moved to Okinawa mid-month, although no disclosures have been made about whether the mid-range system will be used for the exercise.

In past iterations of the drill, the USS George Washington joined the exercises, but the carrier strike group was sent to the Arabian Sea in August to replace the USS Abraham Lincoln, which was returning home after a prolonged deployment.

That prominent naval absence is expected to emphasize the exercise scenario shift toward a land-based network of mobile systems.

Last year, exercises in Yonaguni focused on maximizing the island as a forward operating base. This year, Keen Sword will showcase the Ground Self-Defense Force’s three anti-ship missile systems, which are the core of Japan’s long-range standoff-strike capabilities.

The JGSDF will train with the new ground-launched Type-25 surface-to-ship guided missile system, formerly known as the upgraded Type-12, which was fielded across the Nansei Islands in late March. The Type-25 SSM has a strike reach of 1,000 kilometers.

The lineup also includes the Type-88 ground-to-ship missile and the upgraded Type 03 Chu-SAM Kai medium-range ground-to-air guided missile.

Keen Sword was originally planned as a much larger exercise, local government officials said, but opposition forced the ministry to scale it down to its current iteration.

Yonaguni is Japan’s last inhabited island in the Nansei, a chain of scattered islands in southwestern Okinawa and a fast-emerging flashpoint amid rising tensions around Taiwan.

The JGSDF set up a radar and surveillance system on the island in 2016 to fill a “surveillance vacuum” in the seascapes stretching from the island to Taiwan, according to officials.

The island has seen increased joint exercises between Japanese and U.S. troops while it faces incursions from Chinese ships.

In June this year, the government reported incursions by Chinese Coast Guard ships encroaching on Japan’s exclusive economic zone between Yonaguni and Taiwan. In 2022, China’s ballistic missile landed just 80 kilometers from the island.

While tensions surround the island, local officials have raised concerns about the use of civilian roads, ports, and airways.

Large equipment for the exercise will be transported by sea through Kubura Port, and local authorities have asked residents to avoid using roads during the movement of military equipment.

There are also concerns after a Japan Self-Defense Forces V-22 Osprey was involved in a ground-strike incident in the same exercise in 2024. The incident prompted then-defense minister Gen Nakatani to order the grounding of Japan’s 17 Osprey aircraft.

This year, however, the V-22 Osprey will not participate, Yonaguni Mayor Tsuneo Uechi told Mainichi Shimbun on Oct. 2.

While the island understands the need for military training, Uechi said it is not ready for large-scale exercises that exceed the island’s capacity. The local government remains opposed to the exercises and continues to hold talks with the defense ministry.

Speaking at a Sept. 11 panel discussion held during the Yalta European Strategy conference in Kyiv, Sikorski said Russia’s invasion of Ukraine has resulted in the Kremlin lowering its defenses in the Kaliningrad exclave, which borders Poland and Lithuania.

While NATO should not engage in any offensive actions against Kaliningrad, an intensification of the alliance’s drills around the area could force Russia to remove some of its forces from Ukraine, the official said.

“We should not be thinking about our confrontation with Russia only as being confined to Ukraine,” Sikorski said. “I was in Latvia just three days ago on a Polish base, we have a tank company there, and … there are no troops on the other side. We closely monitor, as you may imagine, the Kaliningrad exclave. There are hardly any troops there.”

“I’m suggesting we should exercise so aggressively on our side as to make … [Russian President Vladimir Putin] uncertain of what we will do, and so that he needs to draw forces away from Ukraine,” the deputy prime minister said.

A 2023 report by the U.S. Center for Naval Analyses indicates that, prior to the war in Ukraine, Kaliningrad’s military capabilities had been boosted with the deployment of various forces, including the 11th Army Corps whose composite ground forces alone had a nominal count of up to 18,000 troops.

Last September, as Russia and Belarus were preparing the “Zapad 2025” joint military drill, the Lithuanian Ministry of National Defence estimated that only “several thousand” troops were to be stationed in Kaliningrad for the exercise.

Sikorski’s statement comes as Poland is readying to host the first military drills for the so-called Coalition of the Willing with British and French forces. At the same time, under the country’s East Shield initiative worth around 10 billion zloty ($2.7 billion), the Polish military is advancing projects to ramp up defensive infrastructure, including fortifications and natural terrain obstacles along the roughly 800 km (497 miles) of the nation’s border with Kaliningrad and Belarus.

Speaking to Defense News from the Philippines, Bartholomees confirmed that, as an original Transformation in Contact division, four of his five brigades have changed significantly already. Following his mobile infantry, artillery and sustainment brigades, he revealed the 25th Combat Aviation Brigade (CAB) is “next on the docket to do some transformation.”

“The Gray Eagle company that was in Alaska is going to move to Hawaii – and what we see over time is, as the Army determines what type of larger-class unmanned aerial systems it uses, that those will land in the CAB.”

The general said longer-range drones “are essential to support the ranges that we can now shoot out to, particularly with HIMARS.”

In fact, 25th ID was the first U.S. infantry division to receive HIMARS, a weapon that greatly extends the formation’s reach compared to incumbent M777 and M119 towed howitzers. Because of HIMARS, Bartholomees pointed out his “division artillery is really what transformed the most.”

He highlighted how the “Tropic Lightning” Division performed a number of HIMARS infiltrations to Luzon Strait islands during recent Philippine wargames. Indeed, Exercises Balikatan and Salaknib allowed 25th ID to test new tactics and technologies from April to June.

The Ranger-qualified general added that the Army wants maximum flexibility in “new technologies, drones, counter-drones, electronic warfare, software-enabled technologies, and less [reliance] on a program of record that, by the time you receive it, is obsolete and you’re stuck with it for too long.”

For example, Bartholomees praised the Infantry Squad Vehicle that makes his soldiers “more lethal, light and mobile.” By increasing the mobility of his two infantry brigades, it helped shed a lot of needless vehicles. “Infantry brigades had too much stuff, too many vehicles, they were too unwieldy,” he said.

Balikatan and Salaknib were valuable to 25th ID because “you don’t really know if [equipment] is going to work until you operate with it in these environments,” Bartholomees explained.

He also highlighted the democratization of electronic-warfare capabilities across units, in addition to the transformation of communication systems. “We’re one of two divisions in the U.S. Army that’s conducting what’s called Next-Generation Command and Control,” he explained. This entails moving to smaller form factors and software-enabled systems.

Pushing new capabilities into frontline units is vital for 25th ID, especially when so far from home in places like the Philippines. “Shipping capability costs really drive forward the need for us to innovate,” he said.

One response has been the Forge, an expeditionary capability that allows soldiers to manufacture spare parts using 3D printing, for example. Bartholomees said the Forge is important “because it’s helping to thicken our sustainment lines by creating capability, creating parts and manufacturing forward where we can”.

He said 25th ID’s fielding of new technologies will continue unabated: “We’re literally transforming all the time,” although “we do have to manage how we do this, and we have to be disciplined in this approach.”

One answer lies in Italy, where a growing number of nations are lining up to use an unlikely location built deep underground in the 1930s by the government of Italian fascist dictator Benito Mussolini.

Lurking under woodland in Fornovo Taro near Parma lies a system of five massive, drum-shaped cisterns which once held aviation fuel as well as 2km of connecting passageways, all designed to withstand enemy bombing.

“Gaza has accelerated the use of this place like this – despite their technology, the Israelis were not ready for fighting in tunnels,” said a manager at the site, who spoke to Defense News but declined to be named due to company policy.

Israel is among 17 national customers who have now trained at the privately run site known as La Carona, with other special forces units arriving from countries including Belgium, France, Germany, Holland, Poland, Greece and Turkey.

The U.S. Green Berets have also used the site as does a dedicated Italian army underground fighting unit created by the Italian army Folgore paratrooper brigade.

After resisting 150 bombing runs by the Allies in the Second World War, the cisterns continued to be used by the Italian Air Force to hold aviation fuel until 2000 when the site was abandoned and the fuel drained out.

In 2020 the La Carona was purchased and reopened for training by its current owners.

“We saw the site and decided it would be perfect for special forces training,” said the manager.

The cylindrical tanks, which are supported by concrete columns, measure around 20 meters in diameter by seven meters in height and are linked by tunnels which once channelled fuel between them. Another 1km long tunnel once carried fuel to a nearby train station.

Special forces entering the tunnels now engage in simulated combat.

The space recreates the limitations of real tunnel fighting – from darkness, to limited radio use to no GPS. A control room allows trainers to generate sound, including the noise of explosions, as well as smoke and lighting.

Robot canines and real dogs, as well as drones that can function without GPS can all be introduced.

“The key ability to learn here is how to map underground spaces,” said the manager.

Combat in tunnels grabbed the headlines as the Israel Defense Forces entered the so-called Gaza Metro – a system of tunnels thought to total hundreds of miles – when it sought out hostages taken during the Oct 7, 2023, Hamas attack on Israel.

A year earlier, Ukrainian forces held out for weeks against Russian attacks in the labyrinth of underground tunnels under the Azovstal iron and steel works in Mariupol, which was described as a ‘fortress within a city’.

“Most of the world’s population now lives in an urban setting and war is increasingly fought in cities. Underground combat can make the difference,” said the manager.

The annual exercise, held for more than five decades since 1971, brings together some 20 vessels from 15 nations with around 6,000 personnel – roughly half the size of last year’s drills – during a period of heightened tensions in the Baltic region.

Officials say the smaller footprint reflects operational realities rather than waning commitment, as Western navies remain tied up in other areas including the Middle East’s Strait of Hormuz and the Arctic.

The US BALTOPS naval exercise, which takes place from June 4 to June 20, will still be the biggest maneuver in the Baltic Sea this year, with Washington providing the flagship Mount Whitney vessel, despite months of fierce criticism of NATO by U.S. President Donald Trump and plans to cut U.S. commitments to the alliance.

While the U.S.-led exercise is not designed as a direct response to current events, German Rear Admiral Stephan Haisch said the timing inevitably amplifies its political relevance.

“In this period, it is a sign of the alliance’s strength, that a major exercise is being conducted, under U.S. leadership, with broad NATO participation”, he said. “It is a sign of the alliance’s unity and strength, and I am speaking of all allies here.”

As Commander Task Force Baltic, Haisch is in charge of a multinational naval headquarters for the Baltic Sea, established by Germany in the coastal city of Rostock in 2024 amid a growing focus on the area as tensions with Russia grew.

His headquarters is capable of leading NATO operations in the Baltic Sea during a conflict with Russia and will do so for the upcoming US BALTOPS drills which are traditionally planned by the U.S.

Securing vital sea routes

BALTOPS will begin with drills in the western Baltic before shifting eastward to rehearse resupply and protection of free sea routes around the Swedish island of Gotland – a core task for NATO as the region’s strategic importance has grown.

Open sea routes are seen as critical, particularly for supplying the Baltic states – linked only by a narrow land corridor to NATO’s mainland – in a crisis.

“Free sea lines of communication – that is central,” Haisch said, pointing to the need to safeguard military logistics as well as commercial shipping.

Asked about past incidents in the Baltics attributed to Russia by Western officials, Haisch said he did not expect Moscow to cross a threshold that would trigger NATO’s collective defense clause, known as Article 5, even as tensions remain elevated.

“I would assume Russia to stay below the Article 5 threshold if they seek to test us.”

Apart from their combat fatigues, the drone pilots with first-person view goggles and joystick controllers could have been hobbyist racers, maneuvering quadcopter drones through bright yellow gates and an abandoned building. But simulated strike missions added a distinctly military edge to the two-day competition, with bonus points for hitting targets including a moving Ford pickup truck.

“Even with the British Army we do racing events, because obviously that’s where FPV has always been,” Guardsman Mark, a drone pilot in the 1st Battalion Scots Guards, told Defense News. “It’s good to see that the events here are like almost a homage to FPV racing. It’s kind of, thank you, we will take over from here into the tactical side.”

As FPV drones have become an inescapable part of infantry operations on the frontline in Ukraine, NATO countries have started to apply the lessons, at their own pace. Some teams in the two-day competition, including from the United Kingdom and Denmark, had been using FPV drones in their units for only several months, while some from France had been flying them for more than a year.

For drone pilots from eight NATO members, the competition at the Chaumont-Semoutiers airbase was a chance to see allies at work, share tactics and technical tips, and study each other’s equipment. For instructors, the event provided ideas on how they might improve training to use FPV drones in combat.

“We saw some really interesting things because, and I won’t go into details, but each team had its own small innovations in how they managed their equipment,” said Sgt. Edgar, an FPV drone pilot in the French Army’s 61st Artillery Regiment, which hosted the event at its base on the former airfield near Chaumont.

Cheap consumer racing drones flown via FPV goggles and low-latency video links were turned into weapons of war by soldiers in Ukraine, who combined them with explosive charges such as rocket-propelled grenade warheads. FPV drones now inflict 60% of the losses on the Russian army, the National Security and Defense Council for Ukraine said in January.

For Gen. Pierre Schill, the commander of the French Army, the challenge was an occasion to take stock of where his forces stand compared to allies. He said drones have become an “unavoidable reality,” and also a way to push the land forces towards innovating in the lowest ranks.

“You can build, for not much money, your own drone,” Schill said. “It’s a way to unleash innovation.”

Nearly 50 teams, each comprising a pilot and a spotter, took part in the International Drone Challenge on May 19 and 20, scoring points over four courses testing speed, drone control and successful strikes. Teams brought their own drones, some custom-made, others issued by their units, with the rules limiting entries to FPV drones in the 5-inch rotor class.

While many teams used similar systems and components, some pilots on allied teams used “quite different” ways to approach targets, “so it’s really interesting to be able to talk with them,” said Chief Cpl. Jean-Baptiste of the French 82nd Infantry Regiment.

Allied teams came from Belgium, Denmark, Spain, the U.S., Italy, the U.K. and Poland, with Luxembourg joining as an observer.

Chief Sgt. Aymeric of the 7th Battalion of Chasseurs Alpins — “Alpine Hunters” — kept a hand on the shoulder of pilot Chief Cpl. Clément during one of the exercises, pointing his masked teammate in the direction of the drone for the best signal.

“When I put on the mask, I no longer exist in this reality,” Chief Cpl. Clément said after completing the course. “That’s actually why it’s important to have a partner. They’re not only there to help me with my mission, but also to keep me grounded in reality.”

Buddy interaction was an area where teams used different methods, with some spotters guiding their pilots with verbal instructions rather than remaining in physical contact.

“We see different things again from Ukraine, we still learn from how they do it,” said Lance Cpl. Martin, a drone pilot from the Danish Royal Life Guards. “But definitely I’m not a one-man operation when flying. Especially if I have goggles on, I’m going to need a guy or two to keep me covered.”

Ukraine will have the capacity to produce more than 8 million FPV drones in 2026, with more than 160 companies producing the systems in Ukraine, the NDSC said in January.

Skill levels ranged widely, with French sergeant Edgar noting strong teams from the U.K. and Belgium. “This raises everyone’s game, because at the end of a lap where someone posts an exceptional time, we saw several teams approach them to ask for advice or to take a look at the equipment they had.”

Two French teams took the top spots, with the 13th Parachute Dragoon Regiment of the French special forces the winner and the 61st Artillery Regiment that hosted the competition finishing second. One of the British teams took third place.

Sgt. Luke Crossley of the U.K.’s 3 Royal School of Military Engineering Regiment, reportedly the country’s fastest military drone pilot, said that what he found most impressive was how well some of the French teams were doing with only two to five months of flying FPV systems, compared to the Belgium team and U.K. teams with up to two years of experience.

“Clearly other armies, other nations, France, Belgium, they’re getting after all this FPV drone stuff,” Crossley said. “As united nations, we are going be stronger on that battle front. Which is reassuring.”

The 1st Battalion Scots Guards has two qualified pilots with FPV drone experience who are still exploring how to use their gear, according to Guardsman Mark. He said the competition allowed him to tap into experience and knowledge from allies, including on setting up drones and programming the Betaflight control software.

NATO militaries are still figuring out procurement for FPV drones, a newer category than larger intelligence and targeting drone systems with established suppliers and procurement processes. Guardsman Mark said that while his unit receives fully assembled bigger drones, he built the smaller model used in the competition from parts.

Seeing how other forces deal with procurement was instructive, according to Staff Sgt. Shay Burnett of the U.S. Marine Corps, who teaches an attack-drone operator course at the service’s School of Infantry.

The Marines are tied to a contract for a single model of FPV drone, the Neros Archer, according to Burnett. With FPV drones so interchangeable “we shouldn’t have to be stuck to one system,” and being able to build them in-house and branch out to other models would reduce costs and make the force more effective overall, he said.

The biggest takeaway was learning where allies stand on FPV drones “and seeing how we can make ourselves better overall,” according to Burnett, who said the Marines started using the systems about 15 months ago. “It’s so new across the board. Everyone’s relatively in the same boat.”

Burnett also took home lessons from how organizers set up the trials. “We’re never going to try to get to the racing side, but we do think that the way that they had some of the things, with obstacles to get to the main target, is something we can bring back and actually start implementing.”

An officer of the Danish armed forces was keen to observe how the French organized the competition. While Denmark has previously held military competitions for snipers, infantry-fighting vehicles and battle tanks, the country wouldn’t be able to set up an event like the one near Chaumont just yet, said Lt. Col. Nicolai, head of the training department for the Danish forces.

Drone pilots also discussed training, with most agreeing that pilots need to fly regularly to keep their skills sharp. The French require potential drone pilots to train at least 20 hours in a simulator before they start flying small drones and then work their way up, said Sgt. Edgar.

Younger pilots, especially those with experience flying model aircraft or in video games, tend to take more naturally to FPV drones, though some personnel in their forties are “very quick” learners, according to the French sergeant. But the main variable remains training time, he said.

Training time for the competing teams varied greatly, said Danish Lance Cpl. Martin, who said he is one of the first in his unit to train with FPV drones, and had been flying them for only about one-and-a-half months. He said after discussing training regimes, one lesson he’s bringing home is to train intensely at the start, then allow pilots to build flying experience at a more casual pace.

“It’s been fun talking to the others to see how they’ve been doing,” Lance Cpl. Martin said. “Most of them have had FPVs for a longer time, so they had more training compared to myself. I’m bringing home how we can train, all the success and all the failures. No need to reinvent the wheel.”

The live-fire phase of EFES-2026 ran through May 21 along the Aegean coast near İzmir, making it one of Turkey’s largest combined and joint exercises to date. Conducted under the Aegean Army Command, the drill spanned two phases — a computer-assisted command post phase in April and the live-fire field phase — drawing over 10,000 personnel from 50 nations to the İzmir Gulf and Doğanbey training ranges.

The Libyan participation carries particular symbolic weight. A total of 502 Libyan troops — 331 from the country’s eastern forces and 171 from the west — are training side by side under a single Libyan flag. It is the first time the two rival factions have jointly deployed abroad.

Turkish defense officials described the event as a concrete step toward Ankara’s long-stated “One Libya, One Army” goal. Libyan personnel have received training in amphibious operations, special forces tactics, combat diving, mine and IED awareness, and combat search and rescue.

Besides the land forces, the Libyan Combattante II G class patrol craft Shafak also participated in the naval phase of the exercise.

Syria’s participation is smaller but arguably more important diplomatically. Approximately 50 Syrian military personnel took part, making the newly reconstituted Syrian army’s first-ever exercise outside Syrian territory.

Ankara framed both nations’ attendance as part of its broader military-restructuring and advisory programs in each country, with officials saying that training and advisory cooperation with both nations will continue and expand.

Reeves said the shift towards what he described as “tactical credibility” has meant establishing forward locations and stationing troops near Latvia’s eastern border, in the terrain where they would actually fight in the event of a conflict, the Canadian commander told Defense News.

“Right now I have a brigade, there is nothing on the other side of the border that can take out this brigade,” Reeves said in an interview at the Sēlija training range in central Latvia this week. “And when there’s something that can take out this brigade, NATO’s going to put more forces here, I’m confident in that.”

Canada has about 2,000 troops in Latvia, and its contribution to the NATO Multinational Brigade there represents its largest overseas deployment. Alliance doctrine on the eastern flank defended by Canadian troops has shifted following Russia’s invasion of Ukraine, and while the tripwire logic still exists, it’s now backed militarily by forces expected to actively hold ground rather than just trigger a response and await reinforcements.

NATO agreed in 2016 to establish multinational battlegroups in the Baltic countries and Poland as part of what it called enhanced forward presence, with Canada the framework nation for Latvia. After the invasion of Ukraine, Canada in June 2022 agreed to scale up the battlegroup to a brigade.

From a single garrison in a training area, the Canadian forces are now based in four different areas, with forward locations along the eastern flank providing familiarity with the terrain and improved readiness, according to Reeves.

“And even more important than that, the local population out there is now beginning to trust us and understand us, because they’re going to support us when we fight,” Reeves said. “We are, to use your term, still the tripwire force, but we’ll be even more effective by being out there quicker and understanding the terrain out there even more, and having more support.”

The brigade operates under NATO’s Multinational Division North alongside Latvia’s Mechanized Infantry Brigade.

“I want to see, and I see, signs of the Canadian Army understanding NATO better,” Reeves said. “We haven’t operated in an operational theater with NATO since Afghanistan. Now we’re here, working again in an operational theater with our NATO partners, and we can see where we’re interoperable and where we’re not, and we’re working on that.”

With the brigade actively operating and training every single day, Reeves said soldiers bring lessons identified in Ukraine back to Canada and other NATO countries. “When soldiers leave an operational theater, one of their first tasks is to teach. So now they’re teaching, after having six months or a year of experience trying to learn from the Ukrainian theater.”

The multinational brigade includes troops from 14 nations, and while Reeves said the goal is to have fewer nations at the unit level “because it’s very hard to be perfectly seamlessly interoperable at the lowest level,” he said there’s value in NATO diversity at the brigade headquarters, “because we see problems differently and we see different solutions.”

Lt. Col. Dan Richel, the Canadian deputy commander of Latvia’s Mechanized Infantry Brigade, likewise highlighted the value of different perspectives, in a separate interview. He said the six Canadians embedded in the national formation “definitely learn just as much from the Latvian side that we’re able to bring back home as well.”

He said that the approach of the Latvian brigade as a relatively small formation tends to be practical and time-efficient, able to integrate new equipment and techniques “without worrying about waiting for somebody else to develop that doctrine.”

“The Latvians are definitely very proactive and take a lot of initiative,” Richel said.

Held from Apr. 20 to May 8, Balikatan was a good testing ground for the 3rd Marine Littoral Regiment, or 3rd MLR.

This agile Hawaii-based unit possesses more than 2,000 personnel. Designed to operate at the tip of the Marine Corps, the MLR was created in March 2022.

1st Lt. Duncan Stoner, the unit’s director for communication strategy and, said his formation “is unlike any traditional infantry regiment in the Marine Corps. The key difference lies in our focus and our toolkit.”

To permit it to operate in dispersed locations, 3rd MLR’s headquarters oversees three subordinate elements.

The first is the 3rd Littoral Combat Team that fires Naval Strike Missiles from NMESIS (standing for Navy-Marine Expeditionary Ship Interdiction System) missile launchers. These assets are accompanied by infantry companies for security, and this year they received attack drones for the first time.

Next up is the 3rd Littoral Anti-Air Battalion that handles air domain awareness and air defense utilizing TPS-80 radars and counter-drone systems.

Finally, the regiment possesses the 3rd Littoral Logistics Battalion to sustain operations in distributed, littoral environments.

This year’s exercise was the fourth time the regiment has participated in Balikatan, and Stoner told Defense News: “As the regiment continues to evolve, this exercise is where we validate our tactics alongside our highly capable regional allies and partners.”

Securing maritime straits

One of those tactics was maritime key terrain security operations, where the Marine Corps helped seize remote Philippine islands in the Luzon Strait. This included deployment of NMESIS sections with anti-ship missiles.

Yes, 3rd MLR deployed the NMESIS to the Batanes Islands in last year’s Balikatan, but this year that expanded dramatically to three separate islands. They inserted with the aid of Air Force C-130Js and Army LCU-2000 landing craft.

On May 2, Defense News visited one of those locations in Basco in the Batane Islands, which is closer to Taiwan than it is to the Philippine mainland.

A section comprising a single NMESIS launcher, command vehicle and leader vehicle – all based on the JLTV chassis – deployed to Basco for 72 hours and conducted simulated fire missions against warships attempting to pass through the Luzon Strait.

Staff Sergeant Darren Gibbs, a section chief in the MLR’s Medium-Range Missile Battery, described NMESIS “as an autonomous missile system that’s essentially used for protection of our straits and sea lines.”

He said “training in Batanes allows us a different environment than what we normally operate in, so it gives us unique opportunities to actually utilize the system.”

However, the NMESIS is yet to fire an actual missile in the Philippines.

Stoner explained that Balikatan is “a phenomenal opportunity to strengthen our partnerships, get reps in employing systems like NMESIS, MADIS and our sensing systems, and really exercise our ability to execute distributed command and control.”

Threats from the air

MADIS is short for Marine Air Defense Integrated System. Fielded by the Marine Corps last year, it comprises JLTVs fitted with various soft-kill and hard-kill counter-drone systems.

At an integrated air defense demonstration in Zambales on Apr. 28, Defense News saw a battery of MADIS vehicles take down various kinds of quad-copters and fixed-wing drones.

In that engagement, countermeasure seemed to miss more drone targets than it hit. However, Defense News learned that crews were deliberately practicing tracking the drones and perfecting tactics, techniques and procedures, rather than simply trying to blow them up.

Staff Sergeant Noah Konien, a platoon sergeant in the 3rd Littoral Anti-Air Battalion, praised his crews: “They did an excellent job, focused on what they had to do and did the job very well.”

Being based on Oahu, MADIS crews face limitations when live-firing at home, so Konien was enthusiastic about the opportunity to fire rounds and missiles in the Philippines.

Regionally relevant

There are two MLRs in the Asia-Pacific region, the other being the 12th MLR stationed in Okinawa, Japan.

Stoner explained, “We’re a purpose-built, informed formation designed to operate and persist in contested littoral environments in tandem with regional forces. In real-world terms, our function is to enable and deliver multi-domain effects that expand the decision space for the broader combined and joint force in the region.”

Asked what direction MLRs will go next, Stoner responded that the Marine Corp is constantly evolving. “The MLR is truly an example of modernization in action.”

He added, “Regardless of specific systems, we’re continually experimenting with advanced sensing capabilities, exploring more survivable command-and-control tactics, and pushing the envelope on multi-domain operations to ensure we remain effective and ready in any situation with our allies and partners in the region.”